How liberals lost comedy − and helped Trump win

Nick Marx, Colorado State University

Throughout the 2024 election cycle, reproductive rights were a vulnerability for Donald Trump. His appointment of antiabortion judges alienated key groups, including undecided young men. Yet Trump didn’t counter this challenge with demagoguery but with comedy.

Trump’s October appearance on comedian Andrew Schulz’s podcast, Flagrant, exemplified his strategy. Schulz joked about Trump’s youngest son—“Barron is 18. He’s unleashed in New York City. Are you sure you want to reverse Roe vs. Wade now?” Trump laughed, Schulz laughed, and likely thousands of young male listeners laughed too. Trump followed with boilerplate states’ rights answers, but the substance was secondary. Schulz helped Trump turn an unpopular position into a frat boy punchline, something easily discarded. Trump ultimately won the media cycle and a majority of young men’s votes on his way to reelection.

Vice President Kamala Harris, by contrast, appeared on mainstream comedy shows like The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, whose aging liberal audiences contrast sharply with youthful digital platforms. Pundits criticized her failure to reach young voters, but the problem runs deeper: liberal comedians have failed to adapt to new media trends.

For decades, liberal satire dominated political comedy. Shows like The Daily Show, The Colbert Report, and Last Week Tonight with John Oliver combined meticulous research with sharp punchlines to highlight right-wing hypocrisy. But this formula, while once effective, has grown stale. Liberal comedy increasingly prioritizes political preaching over laughs, appealing primarily to college-educated liberals already inclined to agree with its message.

HBO’s Last Week Tonight epitomizes this trend. Oliver’s long-form lectures on issues like vaccines or internet regulation are compelling but condescending. In a recent episode, Oliver twice reminded viewers of past segments, chastising them for failing to “remember” topics as though they were students taking an exam. The tone feels less entertaining and more like a reprimand.

This style, effective in the 2000s, no longer resonates with younger, undecided voters. To reconnect with this audience—particularly young men—liberal comedy must reinvent itself. However, the right has already seized the moment, building a powerful new relationship between comedy and political influence.

Right-wing comedy has flourished via digital platforms and algorithm-driven targeting. For years, conservatives struggled to find comedic success. But since 2016, figures like Joe Rogan have built massive audiences by blending politics, culture, and casual conversation that appeals to young male listeners. Rogan’s The Joe Rogan Experience regularly features comedians and cultural commentators, many of whom lean right. Together, they form a de facto right-wing comedy network.

Trump’s October media tour reflected this shift. His most celebrated stops were on podcasts hosted by Schulz, Theo Von, and Lex Fridman.

This style of comedy contrasts sharply with liberal satire. Shows like The Daily Show and Last Week Tonight deliver intricate arguments in tightly scripted 30-minute episodes. Rogan and his affiliates, however, “hang out” for hours, creating parasocial bonds with audiences who listen as they go about their daily routines. Trump’s appearance on Von’s podcast, for example, featured few sharp jokes. Instead, it offered funny, personal anecdotes sprinkled with political asides—casual, relatable content that resonates with young listeners.

Comedy styles are cyclical. In the 1950s, Mort Sahl offered sardonic observations while reading newspapers on stage. The Smothers Brothers paired yo-yos with protest songs. In the 1980s and ‘90s, Jerry Seinfeld’s apolitical observational humor reigned supreme.

The liberal satire of Stewart and Oliver emerged in the 2000s, driven by cable TV’s need to court young men. But media habits and tastes have changed, and liberal comedy has failed to evolve. Meanwhile, right-wing comedians have adapted. [Abridged]

Nick Marx, Colorado State University